This investigation explores how different communication forms/modalities cover the war in Iraq. To assess the studies predictions, a one-way MANOVA was computed for communication form/modality and six dependent variables: tone (of coverage), affect (dimensions of fear, anger, sadness, and happiness), and framing (episodic versus thematic). Significant differences were found on each modality for all dependent variables Wilks’ ? F16, 60 = 15.90, p < .001. Subsequent univariable tests indicated a significant difference on the dependent variable of framing, F10, 418 = 41.41, p <.001; tone (attitude) F10, 418 = 9.16, p < .001; fear F10, 418 = 7.50, p < .001; anger F10, 4186 = 23.92, p < .001; sadness F10,418 = 7.53, p < .001; and happiness F10, 418 = 9.42, p < .001. Means for tone are displayed in Table 1, for framing in Table 2, and for affect in Table 3.
Hypotheses 1 predicted that compared to newspapers, television network news relies more heavily on episodic framing as opposed to thematic framing in its coverage of the war in Iraq. To test this hypothesis, a planned comparison was computed comparing framing for television network news against national and regional newspapers. The results indicated a significant difference, F1, 418 = 96.89, p < .01. As posited, there is a significant reliance on episodic framing in the television network news genre.
Hypothesis 2 posited that compared to print communication forms, television network news displays greater emotion in its coverage of the war in Iraq. A planned comparison was computed comparing emotion conveyed in coverage for television network news and all other communication forms. Results were insignificant. Next, Scheffe post-hoc tests were computed comparing television network news with specific communication forms. Tests revealed that, compared to television network news, more fear was conveyed by: national newspapers, t214 = -8.60, p < .01; regional newspapers, t169 = -3.83, p < .01; print news magazines, t109 = -5.99, p < .01. Print forms showed more fear than television news. Scheffe post-hoc tests also revealed that, compared to television network news, more anger was conveyed by: national newspapers, t214.5 = -12.26, p < .01; regional newspapers, t169 = -4.48, p < .01; print news magazines, t109 = -6.32, p < .01. Print forms showed more anger than television news. The same tests were computed for sadness. Results revealed that, compared to television network news, more sadness was conveyed in Iraq stories appearing in: national newspapers, t214 = -13.57, p < .01; regional newspapers, t169 = -4.66, p < .01; print news magazines, t109 = -12.16, p < .01. Print forms showed more sadness than television network news. Finally for happiness, Scheffe post-hoc tests were computed, revealing that, compared to television network news, more happiness was conveyed in national newspapers, t214 = -10.87, p < .01, and regional newspapers, t169 = -2.59, p < .05. The results for television network news and print news magazines was non-significant. Print forms showed more happiness than television news except for print news magazines.
Hypothesis 3 predicted that compared to other communication forms, network television news is more negative in its coverage of the war in Iraq. A planned comparison test did not find significant differences. However, Scheffe post-hoc tests did reveal a number of significant differences. A number of modalities were more positive in the depiction of war than television network news: conservative talk radio, t107 = -5.00, p < .01; national newspapers, t214 = -5.00, p < .01; print news magazines, t109 = -3.20, p < .01; regional newspapers t169 = -2.25, p < .05; and political talk television, t112 = -2.86, p < .01.
Online news sources, liberal talk radio, and late night television were more negative than television network news in their depiction of the war in Iraq. Results revealed significant differences between network television news versus: online news sources, t120 = 9.17, p < .01; liberal talk radio, t102 = 5.19, p < .01; and late night television, t98 = 2.45, p < .05. In short, the hypothesis was partially supported by this data. Some communication forms were more negative, but others were more positive than network television news.
Hypothesis 4 predicted that compared to other communication forms, conservative political talk radio and political television are more positive in their coverage of the war in Iraq. A planned comparison was computed comparing the tone of coverage for conservative political talk radio and political talk television versus the tone of coverage for all other communication forms. Results supported the hypothesis, F1, 418 = 8.79, p < .01. Political talk television and conservative political talk radio positively portrayed the war in Iraq, when compared to all other communication forms.
Several research question were also posited to see if there were differences in the tone (attitude), affect (fear, anger, sadness, and happiness), and framing (episodic versus thematic) conveyed in war coverage. The first research question asked: What are the differences in tone toward the war in Iraq across different communication forms (e.g., network television news, newspapers, political talk radio, print and television news magazines, political talk television, and online news sources)? Scheffe post-hoc test revealed significant differences in tone across all communication forms/modalities. Conservative talk radio was the most positive communication form for war coverage, see Table 1. There were no significant differences between conservative political talk radio and national newspapers or print magazines. However, conservative political talk radio was more positive in tone of coverage compared: to regional newspapers, t88 = 2.86, p < .01; radio news, t64 = 2.92, p < .01; network television news, t107 = 5.00, p < .01; late night television, t17 = 3.02, p < .01; online news sources, t39 = 8.80, p < .01; and liberal talk radio, t21 = 4.56, p < .01.
The following modalities depict the war the most negatively: online news sources, liberal talk radio, and late night television, respectively. Online news sources conveyed more negative coverage of the war in Iraq compared to: national newspaper, t146 = -15.35, p < .01; regional newspapers, t96 = -10.75, p < .01; print news magazines, t41 = -7.90, p < .01; radio news, t77 = -9.00, p < .01; political talk television, t44 = -7.95, p < .01; late night television, t30 = -3.68, p < .01; and liberal talk radio, t34 = -2.36, p < .05. Online news sources have the most negative portrayal of the war in Iraq when compared to all other modalities.
Scheffe post-hoc tests also compared liberal talk radio to all other communication forms. Results revealed more negative coverage compared to: national newspapers, t128 = -9.78, p < .05; regional newspapers, t83 = -6.32, p < .05; news print magazines, t23 = -3.94, p < .01; radio news, t59 = -4.85, p < .01; and political talk television, t26 = -6.83, p < .01. There was no significant difference between liberal talk radio and late night television. Overall, liberal talk radio was more negative than the majority of other modalities.
Scheffe post-hoc tests compared late night television to all other communication forms. Results indicated that late night television was more negative in tone of coverage than: national newspapers, t124 = -6.60, p < .01; regional newspapers, t79 = -3.72, p < .01; print news magazines, t19 = -2.44, p < .05; radio news, t55 = -2.71, p < .01; and political talk television, t22 = -2.43, p < .05. Late night television was more negative than the majority of other communication forms (except online news sources and liberal talk radio). Tone of coverage is displayed in Table 1.
The second research question asked: How will communication forms differ, in regards to episodic and thematic framing, in their coverage of the war in Iraq? Since episodic framing in national television news have already been analyzed, it was left out of this comparison. Scheffe post-hoc tests compared print news magazines to all other communication forms. Results revealed that print news magazines are more episodic than: national newspapers, t135 = 24.15, p < .01; regional newspapers, t90 = 15.69, p < .01; radio news, t66 = 6.00, p < .01; conservative political talk radio, t28 = 12.26, p < .01; political talk television, t33 = 9.86, p < .01; online news sources, t40 = 6.37, p < .01; and liberal political talk radio, t23 = 11.46, p < .01. There was no significant difference between print news magazines and late night television.
Scheffe post-hoc tests also revealed significant differences between radio news and: national newspapers, t171 = 17.66, p < .01; regional newspapers, t126 = 10.46, p < .01; conservative political talk radio, t64 = 8.18, p < .01; online news sources, t77 = 2.21, p < .05; liberal political talk radio, t59 = 13.00, p < .01; and late night television, t55 = -5.12, p < .01. Note, the opposing pattern of the result in the test comparing radio news and late night television, this indicates that late night television is significantly more episodic than radio news.
Scheffe post-hoc tests also revealed significant differences between online news sources and: national newspapers, t146 = 13.50, p < .01; regional newspapers, t101 = 6.92, p < .01; conservative political talk radio, t39 = 8.05, p < .01; liberal political talk radio, t34 = 8.43, p < .01; and late night television, t30 = -5.27, p < .01. Again, note the opposing pattern of the results in the test comparing online news sources and late night television, this indicates that late night television is significantly more episodic that online news sources. Episodic framing means are displayed on Table 2.
The third research question probed whether Internet-only sites use affective appeals in their coverage of the war in Iraq more than the print newspaper. Scheffe post-hoc tests showed no significant differences between online news sources and print newspapers for fear or sadness. For anger, when comparing online news sources to national newspapers, papers conveyed more anger, t147 = -5.33, p < .01. Thus, national newspapers depicted more anger than online news sources. There was no significant finding for regional newspapers. For happiness, when comparing online news sources to national newspapers, once again, papers conveyed more of this emotion, t146 = -9.36, p < .01. Therefore, national newspapers depicted more happiness than online news sources, although there was no significant difference between online news sources and regional newspapers. Affective appeals are displayed on Table 3.
The final research question proposed whether there are any differences in newspaper, news magazine, and late night television coverage of the war in Iraq and, if so, what is the nature of those differences. First, we will discuss the differences in episodic and thematic framing. Scheffe post-hoc tests revealed less episodic framing for national newspapers compared to print news magazines, t135 = -24.15, p < .01and late night television, t124 = -22.82, p < .01. They also indicated less episodic framing for print news magazines, t90 = -15.69, p < .01 and late night television, t79 = -14.42, p < .01. Thus, there was no significant difference between print news magazines and late night television. Print news magazines and late night television are more episodic in nature than regional and national newspapers. Episodic framing means are displayed on Table 2.
Communication forms rank as follows for positive tone: conservative political talk radio (M = 2.96, sd = .47); national newspapers (M = 2.89, sd = .38), print news magazines (M = 2.87, sd = .99); political talk television (M = 2.84, sd = .47); regional newspapers (M = 2.80, sd = .33); radio news (M = 2.77, sd = .68); television network news (M = 2.71, sd = .55); late night television (M = 2.58, sd = .24); liberal talk radio (M = 2.44, sd = .68); and online news sources (M = 2.23, sd = .66). The means are displayed on Table 1.
Communication forms rank as follows for the affect of fear: conservative political talk radio (M = 1.09, sd = 1.6); national newspapers (M = .70, sd = 1.07); print news magazines (M = .69, sd = 1.67); online news sources (M = .56, sd = 1.14); regional newspapers (M = .44, sd = .98); liberal political talk radio (M = .19, sd = .40); television network news (M = .17, sd = .36); radio news (M = .17, sd = .59); political talk television (M = 0, sd = 0); late night television (M = 0, sd = 0). The means are displayed on Table 3.
Communication forms rank as follows for the affect of anger: conservative political talk radio (M = 2.23, sd = 1.29); liberal political talk radio (M = 1.96, sd = 1.34); national newspapers (M = .88, sd = 1.12); print news magazines (M = .67, sd = 1.73); political talk television (M = .58, sd = .91); online news source (M = .48, sd = .67); regional newspapers (M = .43, sd = .84); radio news (M = .20, sd = .65); television network news (M = .12, sd = .41); late night television (M = 0, sd = 0). The means are displayed on Table 3.
Communication forms rank as follows for the affect of sadness: print news magazines (M = 1.06, sd = 1.79); national newspapers (M = .54, sd = .90); online news sources (M = .54, sd = .93); regional newspaper (M = .41, sd = 1.01); conservative political talk radio (M = .46, sd = 1.16); television network news (M = .17, sd = 36); liberal political talk radio (M = .15, sd = .60); radio news (M = .03, sd = .16); political talk television (M = 0, sd = 0); late night television (M = 0, sd = 0). The means are displayed on Table 3.
Communication forms rank as follows for the affect of happiness: late night television (M = .75, sd = .46); national newspapers (M = .59, sd = .93); conservative political talk radio (M = .44, sd = .96); liberal political talk radio (M = .26, sd = .98); political talk television (M = .25, sd = .55); regional newspapers (M = .23, sd = .54); print news magazines (M = 1.0, sd = .40); television network news (M = 1.0, sd = .51); online news sources (M = .08, .33); radio news (M = .04, sd = .24). The means are displayed on Table 3.